The UAE must be held responsible for its part in Sudan’s crisis | Letters

12 hours ago 13

Nesrine Malik’s article is timely, highlighting how evidence of the United Arab Emirates’ complicity in Sudan’s war has begun to prompt calls for action to be taken (The UAE tries hard to keep its reputation spotless. But with the war in Sudan, how can it?, 13 May). What is now needed is a concerted international response.

The UN and African fact-finding bodies have to date largely focused on the responsibility of Sudan’s warring parties for international law violations committed. It is time to complement this focus, by documenting and investigating the UAE’s involvement in the war with a view to establishing possible state and individual responsibility. This ranges from a failure to prevent both genocide in Darfur and international humanitarian law violations across the country to liability for the commission of international crimes.

Such an inquiry ought not to be confined to the UAE. Multiple reports have pointed to the involvement of several states in the region and beyond in support of both sides, which has fuelled the war, particularly drone warfare. Foreign businesses and other actors have also reportedly been pivotal in sustaining and benefiting from Sudan’s war economy.

Having an official report documenting violations by external actors might spur states and others into adopting overdue measures in response. It might also influence the political calculus of influential states such as the UAE which have not faced any accountability to date. If that were to happen, diminished support for and pressure on the warring parties might well raise the prospects for an end to the fighting in Sudan.

In turn, this would bring into focus who should provide reparations to the victims of the war and pay for the reconstruction of the country. Sudan’s people have a right to freedom, peace and justice. This entails an end to the interference with their rights, be it from within or outside their country.
Dr Lutz Oette
Professor of international human rights law, Soas University of London

Nesrine Malik rightly draws attention to the fact that “successive British governments have studiously looked away from one of the primary sponsors of the Sudan calamity”, that is to say the United Arab Emirates, which, despite its repeated denials, has long supported the Rapid Support Forces with money, weapons and mercenaries.

It is now nearly two years since the Guardian reported on claims that the Foreign Office was actively trying to suppress criticism of the UAE, even as the RSF was besieging the city of El Fasher in Darfur (UK ‘tried to suppress criticism’ of alleged UAE role in arming Sudan’s RSF militia, 24 June). This too was denied. The UK is the designated UN security council “penholder” for Sudan, and also for the UN’s women, peace and security file, and must do more if this devastating war is to be brought to an end.

I am a trustee of a UK charity, Women’s Education Partnership, which enables disadvantaged women and girls in Sudan and South Sudan to access education. Since the war started, we have not had local staff on the ground, and the students are now displaced, trying to follow their degree courses online. Some are too traumatised to study; others have disappeared from contact lists. Most, however, are persevering despite three years of war.

Sudanese women played a major role in the inspiring revolution of 2018-19. Let us hope that they will be able to flourish when peace eventually returns.
Anna Snowdon
Cambridge

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International | Politik|